I thought COVID was scary. But it has a curve. Sure, it may return, but odds are we’ll get a vaccine or treatments, and herd immunity that will at least dramatically lessen the risk with time. Not true for our current state of racial tension. It has one of two dichotomous endings: Total destruction, or a new awakening, or “unawokening.”
The more I considered things, the more I realized that, under the present circumstances, it would be a good thing if we were still, as the wokescolds proclaim, a systemically/institutionally racist nation. Then, we could point to the policies and organizational structures that need change and perhaps quell the anger. But I’m convinced by the data that the current argument is little more than a straw man, a political ploy to fan the flames and us accrue power (the concept of “fundamental change” spouted by the Left), as reams of laws and regulations exist, and have existed for years, prohibiting discrimination on the basis of race. Sure, things can be tweaked; some have suggested that abolishing the policy of qualified police immunity that protects rogue law enforcement officers from punishment for bad behavior, and police unions, can further reduce the incidents of sporadic illegal police action and this is being addressed. The problem is that the current protests, besides decrying police brutality (a no-brainer we all agree with), rail about a vague notion of systemic racism and are light on specifics (except for the insane notion by Black Lives Matter of defunding the police). It’s hard to cite specifics when major policy gaps with regard to discrimination no longer exist, only bad people who disregard the law. Still, in the name of this straw man, an attempt can be anticipated to enact further laws and regulations, and while closing small loopholes (such as immunity) is good, the parallels to the gun legislation issue are obvious: Bad people will always ignore the law. Murder, mass or otherwise, and police brutality are already illegal, last I checked. If you impose restrictions so onerous that the police are afraid to act even when it’s appropriate, you will get a paradoxical increase in crime and mayhem, and a drop in the number of people willing to serve and protect.
So the current narrative of institutional racism, as I’ve previously laid out, is based on a tenous scaffold of specific instances where the law has been abrogated, and anecdotal stories. Examples of the latter category abound. Here are just a couple of examples: My friend’s daughter recounted to him a story of her friend who is married to a black doctor reporting being stopped 18 times, placing the wife in a constant state of fear every time her husband goes out. Or the following, posted on Facebook:

In this case, the person who forwarded it informed me that additional research indicated that, in this case, there may have been additional issues contributing to the disparate treatment (and that’s just one of the problems with using anecdotes as soundbites to advance an agenda). It is inarguable, and inexcusable, that there are instances of unfair sentencing corrupted by wealth and power, and that as a consequence minorities may be impacted disproportionally due to disparities of social/economic class. When no action is taken against a rogue judge and there is evidence of the same disparate treatment by socioeconomic class among people of the same race, if widespread, it represents a systemic problem of class, not race (if not widespread, again, it’s hard to make a case for an institutional problem). Yet those with an agenda will always cite race. That being said, to argue that there are no individuals in the judiciary (or in law enforcement) who are racist would be naive. But that is not proof of systemic racism. And, as the old saying goes, if you have a hammer, everything is a nail; when you view everything through a racial lens, you can see it lurking behind every tree. The take-away point is, anecdotal evidence is just that, and it’s pernicious, because it can never go away, making the false narrative self-sustaining. Sadly, there will always be another case of police brutality, some involving mixed race interactions, as there will always be another mass murder, hurricane, earthquake, and tsunami. While we can’t pass laws to prevent acts of God, we have passed scads of them to try to minimize institutional racism. And while they are imperfect, just as the humans who concocted them, we’ve come a very long way since slavery and Jim Crow. I know this because I grew up in the era of Jim Crow, and while it impacted blacks more profoundly in the South, there was a great deal of institutional racism north of the Mason-Dixon line that has been overcome. (It can even be argued that well-intentioned attempts to quash the remaining embers have been clumsy and have done more harm than good, but that’s a rant for another time.) And that’s where the lie lies: As things have improved, the activists have screamed more loudly of injustice. If systemic racism in terms of policy were still a thing, it should be measurable. So let’s look at the statistics:
Washington Post data from 2019 indicate 1004 police shootings, 804 which documented race. The breakdown was 371 white and 236 black, with the vast majority of perpetrators armed and black suspects significantly more likely to be armed, but more white suspects killed. There were 10 cases of unarmed black suspects shot and killed by police, 9 men and 1 woman (although depending on the definition, some estimate the figure is from 9-15). The specifics of the 10 cases are as follows:
1. Channara Pheap attacked policeman Dylan Williams (who was choked and tasered) before being shot, corroborated by witnesses; officer not charged.
2. Marcus McVae, career criminal wanted on drug dealing, fled by car and on foot, fought with a police officer, shot and killed; officer not charged.
3. Murzua Scott assaulted a shop employee, was approached by female police officer, charged at her and knocked her down, and she shot and killed him and was not charged.
4. Ryan Twyman was approached by 2 LA county deputies and he backed into one of them with his car; one deputy was caught in the car door and both opened fire; no deputy charged.
5. Melvin Watkins drove his car toward a deputy at high speed and was shot and killed; no charge filed.
6. Isaiah Lewis was naked; he broke into a house and then attacked a police officer. He was tazed but kept attacking and was shot; no charges filed
7. Atatiana Jefferson was shot by Fort Worth deputy Aaron Dean who was called on a non-emergency number after a neighbor saw Johnson’s door open and thought something was wrong. Body cam video showed Jefferson saw them approaching while she was holding a gun. Officer Dean shot her within seconds and was charged with homicide.
8. Christopher Whitfield, shot in Ethel, LA, grappled with black officer Deputy Glen Sims after robbing a gas station; Sims stated the gun went off accidentally during the scuffle and was not charged.
9. Kevin Mason was shot during a multi-hour standoff and claimed to have a gun and vowed to kill police with it but was found not to have a gun. He had been in a shoot-out with police years before.
10: Gregory Griffin was shot during a car chase. Officer Giovanni Crespo claimed he saw someone pointing a gun at him. Later a gun was found inside the vehicle but Officer Crespo was charged anyway with aggravated manslaughter.
So out of 4 deaths in a pursuit or standoff, 2 officers were criminally charged. On the other hand, 48 police officers were killed in 2019, more than the number of unarmed suspects of all races. To give perspective, in 2018, 7,407 black Americans were murdered in the US, usually by someone they knew. Tucker Carlson reported that statistics show that the number of police killings is dropping and 2019 is the safest year for both black and white suspects. I could not confirm these stats, but a search indicated that the total number of police shootings year-to-year since 2015 has not varied dramatically, probably a modest decline, so it would be a stretch to assume that the number of white on black police shootings has increased by a statistically significant degree since Oback Obama was in office (I looked for figures but was unable to find reliable numbers).
These statistics are not presented to excuse or apologize for police brutality or instances of racism. But they do not support a current milieu of systemic racism, which clearly existed for most of our history, nor do they refute the existence of individual acts of racism. I do, and will continue to oppose any demonstrable racism, as well as the divisive narrative of an America of 2020 as a bad, systemically racist country, a lie that willfully ignores the tremendous strides we’ve made toward equal rights, and threatens a nation built on the strongest system for ensuring liberty for people of all colors and creeds ever devised in human history.